 |
|
In East Flatbush, twelve candidates from seven different Caribbean islands are
competing for an open seat on the City Council. In Queens, immigrants from Guyana,
India, Colombia, Taiwan, and China will contest for vacant seats in a multitude
of languages. And one candidate for a Council seat from lower Manhattan bills
himself as the first gay Rhodes Scholar to seek elective office.
Though marked by the usual hectic schedules, handshakes, and fundraisers, the 2001 City Council elections were characterized by an unusually large and diverse slate of candidates as a result of term limits and campaign finance reform. From Chinatown to Crown Heights, last fall's races for New York City Council were unique.
In the past, City Council races were usually won handily by the incumbent, who could knock competitors out of the race before the primary election, which is generally the deciding race in this city that votes overwhelmingly Democratic. However, in the 2001 election, term limits forced an unprecedented number of City Council members out of office and, with two retirements, 37 of 51 seats were up for grabs. Under the new campaign finance formula, the city began matching citizen -- not corporate or group -- contributions of up to $250 at a rate of $4 for every $1. Such changes empowered a broader spectrum of individuals to launch City Council campaigns and, as a result, the 2001 slate was more diverse than ever before, reflecting New York's melting-pot culture.
"The City Council plays a major role in the government of New York, but many voters are unfamiliar with its functions. In fact, only three percent of those recently polled on the subject could actually name their Council representative," according to Stanley Nelson, RUNNING's producer.
 |
|
|
|
In District 1, a candidate learns not to disturb Tai Chi.
|
|
|
RUNNING: THE CAMPAIGN FOR CITY COUNCIL focuses on the races in Districts 1 (Lower
Manhattan), 35 (Fort Greene/Crown Heights) and 10 (Washington Heights). District
1 is comprised of the distinct neighborhoods of Chinatown, Greenwich Village,
the financial district, and the Lower East Side. In a field of seven, three of
whom are Asian- American, a successful candidate must appeal to a diverse constituency.
John Fratta notes he learned two things about politics while campaigning in the
district: "Don't disturb Tai Chi, and don't disturb bingo." Kwong Hui, a labor
activist whose kitchen doubles as his campaign headquarters, sees his chance to
make a difference: "Under the new [campaign finance] system, the playing field
is level and it makes it possible for someone like me to run."
In District 35's Democratic primary, it initially appears that the real contest is between Leticia James, the handpicked candidate of the Democratic Party, and Peter Williams, a long-time and well-known community activist. However, James E. Davis, a flamboyant policeman with a lack of political experience, proves a tough competitor, even without the backing of any powerful political groups.
District 10 in Washington Heights, a largely Dominican neighborhood, is where Miguel Martinez sees his chance to represent those immigrants who have made New York their home and are interested in fully participating in the politics of their adopted city. One of his competitors, Roberto Lizardo, uses the campaign style of the Dominican Republic -- dancing the merengue in the street and transforming his campaign stops into community celebrations -- to grab the voters' attention in a crowded race.
But the benefits of the recent reforms are not just for those who win the race this time. Even in defeat, candidates are given the opportunity to participate fully in the democratic process. City Council races are the most accessible to citizens and are therefore breeding grounds for upcoming politicians and political activists.
|
|
|
|
